The Second Anti-Comintern Pact (Part 2)
The flags of various nations, excluding the double-headed eagle tricolor of the Russian United States, flew over the Moscow Kremlin. They were the banners of each country gathered for the Anti-Comintern Pact.
"To think the one who personally led soldiers in that civil war is such a lady. Really."
"A lady? She is still the Tsar."
"Ah, ah—my apologies."
Bulgaria's Tsar Boris III cleared his throat awkwardly and turned his head. Yes, even I would have thought the same. Did she really fight on the front lines? That makes no sense. I know that well enough.
"Prime Minister Inönü, it has been a while. How have you been faring?"
It had been a long time since I last saw him, and he looked remarkably well. His face seemed slightly lined, yet far better than during the independence war. Not bad at all. He probably was not angry about the weapons I had sent to the Kurds. After receiving aircraft and tanks, complaining would have been strange. Come to think of it, since Inönü did not know the future, he must believe Russia was sustaining his nation. In that case, he ought to at least acknowledge it.
"How could I not rejoice when we are driving out the Kurds with the 'weapons' sent by the Almighty Tsar?"
Rephrased, it meant the Almighty had armed even them, making things difficult for us. He was being rather blatant. Still, unlike actual history, at least a country had been established. I had heard the Kurds were so cornered they could no longer appeal to the international community.
"Ah, perhaps because it is mountainous terrain the older weapons are holding their own. I thought our bombers and tanks would settle the matter."
"There are limits."
"On that subject, I have words I wish to share later with the Black Baron. Let us resolve the issue separately."
I hoped he would listen. Perhaps a single paratroop drop would suffice. I knew little of such matters—the country had collapsed before I could join the army. Still, occupying the mountains ought to solve it. If they were forming a nation, they surely possessed a city fit to serve as capital. It was worth attempting.
"Everyone here belongs to the war generation. I am the youngest in this room."
Only aged men surrounded me. Miklos Horthy was someone I had seen only in photographs. In person he was impressive—the regent of a kingdom without a king. Dictator Horthy. Had he not also been an admiral of the Austro-Hungarian navy? Hence the admiral of a landlocked country.
"Only a Tsar who personally fired upon the Bolsheviks would do. Thank you for inviting me to the Anti-Comintern Pact."
No one appeared openly hostile. Tension existed, of course, yet having answered my summons they would accept the pact here.
"Hmm. I am grateful you see it that way."
Some would feel uncomfortable. Romania in particular had carved away a large portion of Hungarian territory. Still, I had heard Hungary's communist revolution had been thwarted with Romanian assistance. Time, then, for a little maneuvering. If our mustachioed gentleman did not become the axis of evil as in the original history, I ought to help restore Austria-Hungary.
"Signing alone is simple, yet some here must feel uneasy with one another."
"Ahem."
Indeed, the glances exchanged were awkward. They had come because communist Germany and Italy were rampant, but personal grievances remained. Privately they were victors or vanquished of the Great War; some nations had been dismantled. Though unwelcome, political necessity had gathered them. Discord had to be reduced. The Tsarina must mediate desperately.
"But did you not all come to Moscow at my invitation to unite beneath the Anti-Comintern Pact?"
"Do you have further words, Tsarina?"
"Should discord exist among us when we face communist Germany and Italy?"
First, cast the bait.
"Hmm. Continue."
Inönü reacted with evident interest. The other leaders watched me, waiting.
"I will speak plainly. I believe war will come."
"War, even as we unite?"
"It will come. Our existence threatens their system. Are they not already inciting communists in the Ruhr, stirring hostility among Germans by invoking imperialism? They will frame any war against us as their own revolutionary struggle. Therefore I am considering a perfect victory for the future."
They would not believe war was inevitable at once. Yet I had explained how Lenin had ignited revolution, and if they possessed ears they would recall the Bolshevik doctrine of permanent revolution I had planted. Knowing that, they could not wholly deny it.
"A perfect victory."
"Communists are more cunning and perceptive than any. They may sow discord among Anti-Comintern Pact nations."
"Hmm. Then you propose a deeper discussion."
"Yes. Let us plot something the communists would despise."
An anti-communist conference, and one to nurture ambition. A meeting to offer carrots so they would cooperate with Russia. By settling in advance the rewards to be distributed after a war not yet begun, the pact would be cemented. A secret talk without Britain or France.
"Since the Tsarina began, speak first."
"We shall coordinate again later, but once war erupts Bulgaria should recover Macedonian territory lost to Yugoslavia, Austria should reclaim South Tyrol and the coastal regions from Italy, and Yugoslavia must be partitioned."
"A sound approach. Yet for Hungary—"
Hungary too looked toward the postwar. Time to float the Austria-Hungary bait. I glanced between Austrian Prime Minister Karl Renner and Hungarian Regent Miklos Horthy.
"How about Hungary reuniting with Austria? Place the present Kaiser upon the Hungarian throne and establish a personal union. Should the communists grow stronger, Austria and Hungary will face the greatest peril. Would it not be wiser to return to the imperial era and fight together?"
"Hah. Would it be so simple? Maintaining a kingdom without a king already feels odd, and internal opposition must be considered. Yugoslavia, Italy, and Germany are enemies we shall fight regardless, so threats of war can be ignored. A personal union, however, is premature."
"Austria's special circumstances must be weighed. Britain and France will realize that if Austria falls, Hungary and others will follow. At minimum they require a larger continental power to absorb blows from Germany and Italy."
"Is Russia not that power?"
He spoke well. An outsider might think we occupied Czechoslovakia's position. Unfortunately, when war came they would be struck first. Military occupation would not even be necessary. The remark was likely a mild protest, yet I had a reply.
"Surely you do not wish our troops stationed in Austria and Hungary? Even if permitted, it would only furnish them a pretext. Now is not the time."
"Even an elite army cannot face Germany and Italy once they have embraced revolution. Britain and France will listen when the communist threat grows serious—they will have no choice."
It could not be otherwise. The very survival of the Austrian Empire proved it. That survival already implied the possibility of union with Hungary. Had the Soviet Union arisen as in history, Britain would likely have rebuilt Austria-Hungary to halt Soviet westward expansion.
"Hmm. We Austrians must examine the matter internally."
"A referendum between Austria and Hungary would also serve."
"Will a vote suffice?"
"Voters possess no power. Those who count the votes decide everything."
A referendum offered one path to union—and it could be arranged. The rest would be their concern.
"Hah. The Tsarina is a formidable woman."
"Hmm. That decision can wait."
"Yes. I am not demanding immediate union. If the two nations can endure between Germany, Italy, and Yugoslavia, union is unnecessary. For now Russia merely lends its support."
"Then what of Transylvania?"
Romania's King Ferdinand I interjected, clearly concerned for Transylvania.
"There must be no discord within the Anti-Comintern Pact. I understand Regent Horthy prevented a communist revolution in Hungary with Romanian assistance."
They had evidently exchanged favors already.
"Transylvania, hmm."
Horthy did not conceal his displeasure and glanced at Ferdinand I as though he wished the territory returned.
"Yield Transylvania. The Russian United States has already relinquished its claim to Bessarabia."
I desired a stable arrangement. Pressuring Romania now for Bessarabia alone would look unseemly. Unless Ukraine could later be drawn into Russia, the present elongated territory stretching from the Pontic Greeks to Constantinople made seizing only Bessarabia awkward. Of course, should Romania self-destruct, both Transylvania and Bessarabia could be returned amicably.
Miklos Horthy smacked his lips in regret, yet, mindful of Romanian aid, did not press the matter.
"If a dual empire cannot be formed, what share does Hungary receive?"
"Geographically, northern Croatia. Serbia's fate we may entrust to Austria and Bulgaria."
Serbia could be chewed between them. In the First World War Russia had sided with Serbia; this was a clear declaration that we would not do so again.
"Will Russia abandon Yugoslavia?"
"The instigator of the First World War was Serbia, which assassinated the Austrian crown prince. Having grown into Yugoslavia with its nose in the air, and now overrun by communists, there is no reason for anti-communist Russia to support it."
"Then Yugoslavia is to be dismantled after the war. Does Romania receive a share?"
Romania's share? I had nothing prepared. This was merely to appease and bind the Anti-Comintern nations. Territorial questions would be settled after the war.
"Romania should provide resource support—chiefly oil. Military contributions will be rewarded with territory proportionate to the effort, depending on the course of the war."
"Then if the war ends swiftly, we receive nothing."
Disappointment colored his tone. Let him be disappointed. Romania sat in the middle of the pact nations.
"That is correct. In exchange, however, neither Russia nor Hungary will demand the return of Romanian territory. Is that not guarantee enough of Romania's position? Further adjustments—recovery and expansion alike—will be coordinated after the war according to circumstances."
"Hmm. Very well."
"Bulgaria cannot be satisfied with Serbia alone."
Bulgaria's Boris III had further ambitions.
"What do you desire?"
"Bulgaria must seize Greece. Even if it bears no direct relation to the anti-communist war."
The statement meant: in return for joining the Anti-Comintern Pact, Bulgaria would be permitted to take Greece. Greece had not yet aligned with Germany, so the request was ambiguous. Most likely Boris wished to reclaim lands lost to Greece—Western Thrace, perhaps. He sought our backing. Greece was none of my concern. As a claimant to the Eastern Roman legacy, Greece was already Russia's rival. The Megali Idea itself had aimed at restoring Eastern Roman territory. The true successor to the Eastern Roman Empire was Russia, which had recovered Constantinople. There was no obligation to Greece.
"Hmm. Once communist Germany and Italy are dealt with, Russia will support Bulgaria's campaign against Greece."
Provided Bulgaria did not request Russian troops. The Eastern Roman sphere included Greece, yet Russia was already vast enough.
"After the war, you mean?"
"If attempted before the war, Greece will naturally defect to the communists. They will claim we furnished the pretext. Britain and France, moreover, would not wish us to provide that excuse. Even now they endorse the pact yet decline to participate directly—likely because they dislike Russian leadership."