The Anti-Comintern Pact
Overwhelmed by Vera Gedroits’ saintly aura, I found myself admitted to a hospital in Warsaw. They called it hospitalization, but with the woman glaring daggers at me, it was closer to imprisonment. Whatever. I was under heavy guard by Józef Piłsudski’s troops. Ungern was stationed nearby, and Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Sazonov appeared to have met his counterpart, Gabriel Narutowicz. And then—
The Chief of State himself appeared before me as I lay there in comfort.
From the perspective of a victim who had narrowly escaped death, I answered Józef Piłsudski while remaining half-reclined, perfectly at ease.
“Is your body all right?”
“Welcome. As you can see, I’m doing splendidly. I ‘coincidentally’ managed to avoid the explosion.”
“Ahem. My apologies. We had tightened security, yet… The perpetrators are anti-Russian right-wing elements. One of the soldiers guarding the residence was their accomplice. Investigation revealed that a German-born communist supplied the bomb.”
For the Chief of State to deliver this information personally—how touching. At the very least, the man wanted to declare himself unconnected to the plot while simultaneously begging me to understand Poland’s delicate position.
“Is Germany behind this?”
“We cannot confirm that. The investigation continues, but the German communist who provided the explosives has already vanished.”
It didn’t seem tied to the German government. No regime would be foolish enough to insert communist agents for an overt assassination attempt during a suddenly scheduled visit by the Czarina. Which meant Germany was already preparing to spark revolution inside Poland.
The attempt on my life had likely been an impulsive act by communists who had infiltrated the country. Hmm. In that case, Poland is going to suffer terribly in the coming war. Communist Germany’s brand of terror will be quite different from the Nazi variety.
Then shouldn’t the nation show a little leniency? If I—the one who had nearly been assassinated—magnanimously forgave them, wouldn’t the world view me as a symbol of peace?
Of course, only on the surface. Poland’s fate was now sealed: it would become Russia’s hunting dog with no other options. This incident might fuel voices inside Russia calling for reoccupation, but that could wait for later matters concerning the ‘East.’
Yes. For now, I would leave everything to our Józef Piłsudski.
“I shall entrust the matter to you, Chief of State,” I said, leaning back comfortably against the wall. Handle it yourself. I can’t be bothered.
Yet for some reason Józef Piłsudski’s gaze turned deeply suspicious. The wrinkles on his face folded even tighter.
Why was he looking at me like that? True, it was unusual for someone who had almost died to calmly hand the punishment of her would-be killers to the leader of their country. From his standpoint, I could have thrown a tantrum demanding the culprits’ immediate extradition and he would have had no grounds to protest.
But I wasn’t offering mercy. Nor was I considering Polish public sentiment.
“You will not punish them yourself?”
“Naturally we will take the criminals. Use this chance to clean up those right-wingers. If I intervene, it will end at superficial measures. For the sake of your reputation, Chief of State, you should handle it. If you fail to apprehend them, Poland’s international standing will become as isolated as the communists themselves, will it not?”
If I punished them personally, the Polish side would never cooperate. Even if we crushed the culprits, his authority would suffer. On the other hand, by leaving the entire matter to him, he could use the opportunity to crack down on anti-Russian nationalists and right-wing elements. Anti-Russian sentiment might ease slightly. In short, they would become marginally more useful as a hunting dog.
On the surface I would appear a merciful sovereign. Regrettably, given these Poles’ national characteristics, they would continue stacking up karmic debt. I would simply wait for the right moment. Until then, I would at least smile in front of this man. Since I was accustomed to crossing the line between life and death, this degree of forgiveness should look effortless.
And one excellent idea occurred to me. If communists could infiltrate this easily, the Ohrana could do the same. Regular surveillance of Poland’s situation would be prudent. I could simply assign Beria or whoever was convenient.
I wondered whether Józef Piłsudski realized that Poland now wore a collar around its neck.
“After such an ordeal, you seem almost pleased.”
How could I not be? The visit to Poland—something that should have been considered dangerous—had turned out exactly as I desired. My body ached as though I had been beaten black and blue, but if Poland could serve as a meat shield for Russia, the pain was worth it. Whether Grandmother would rise again after her passing, I couldn’t say. But at least I had secured what I came for.
Yes. After this incident, the man before me would be unable to refuse my proposal.
I did not expect a mutual defense treaty. Russians themselves would hardly welcome such an arrangement. Hunting down and exterminating communism had become the destiny of the newly reborn Russia. Should communist German forces invade, the Russian people would gladly grind the reds into bright scarlet shreds that matched their own flag.
But fighting communist Germany “to protect Poland” under a mutual defense pact? Would Russians accept that—especially for a Poland that had tried to kill their Czarina? They would call it utter bullshit, obviously.
The mutual defense clause had only been a provocation. It was never meant to be a sincere “Let’s go together!” like the U.S.-Korea treaty. In truth I hadn’t expected much from it, yet a bombing had occurred. Russian sentiment toward Poland must have soured even further. Therefore, we only needed to resolve the surface issue.
A simple Anti-Comintern Pact directed at Germany. Clear demarcation between enemy and ally. In this world, too, Germany and Italy would stand together. Best to separate the sides early.
Looking at France, it seemed they would suffer another six-week defeat in this timeline. Even without Nazi-level potential, communist Germany’s unique traits would likely allow them to crush France. I didn’t believe in deterrence, yet somehow I felt it would happen. France’s current state suggested internal chaos caused by the Commune. Germany and Italy would probably team up and trample her regardless.
In that case, Poland at least needed to be shackled.
Look at that crumpled face. Józef Piłsudski must feel it too. Having endured countless tribulations to reach his current position, he surely understood what I was thinking.
I smiled thinly, without the slightest pretense.
“After this incident, Your Excellency will be unable to refuse my proposal.”
“Hah. So you planned everything?”
As if. Even I wasn’t that insane. What madwoman gambles with her own life? Since things had worked out, I could laugh about it now. As someone who had considered it only one remote possibility, my heart had been in my throat the entire time. I was still pretending to be fine.
“As if. I merely viewed it as one possibility. Honestly, I never expected such lunatics in Poland. Though I am quite accustomed to Russia’s own brand of Bolshevik insanity.”
“Hah.”
“Well then, will you accept the proposal?”
He had no choice. Refusing now would invite global condemnation. Poland’s reputation had never been favorable to begin with.
“We have no alternative, but our citizens fear the return of Russian troops. You must keep that in mind, Your Majesty. We are forced to accept, yet we ask you to consider the emotions of both peoples.”
I was well aware. I waved a hand lightly.
“Ah, don’t worry. Should war break out, we will provide only weapons to the Polish army. The mutual defense treaty was merely a trial balloon. We need only establish ‘prior consultation’ for military transit rights during wartime.”
That was probably what had provoked the Polish nationalists. As I said, from our perspective a mutual defense treaty with Poland was unnecessary. We had already secured one with Austria. Realistically, we could simply wait until Poland was battered, inflicted maximum damage on Germany, and was on the verge of collapse—then extend a helping hand when they clutched at Russia’s coattails. After that we could swallow the east.
Józef Piłsudski knew this but had no choice but to accept. Later he would suppress the right-wing and nationalist factions to revise the terms.
“Only weapons?”
“Our nation will meanwhile construct a defensive line from Austria through Hungary to the Baltics. The ideal is for Poland to hold the line, but if you dislike that idea, we can only supply weapons and hope you endure as long as possible.”
In the end, Poland would maintain at least a surface-level friendship with us. That alone was sufficient. The primary objective—showing Germany that Poland was linked to Russia—had been achieved.
The secondary goal of genuine cooperation and sincere alliance was, after I had nearly been killed, clearly unrealistic. In which case a mutual defense treaty would be meaningless. Nothing was more terrifying than an ally that offered no help. If the Polish army could not trust Russia, they would fail to stop the German advance anyway. Better to defend from the rear.
It wasn’t that I lacked a sense of self-preservation. I had no intention of traveling across Poland apologizing profusely and begging for friendship. There was also the matter of the Czarina’s—and Eastern Roman Emperor’s—dignity. After what happened in Warsaw, similar incidents would likely occur elsewhere. In that case, weapons support alone would suffice.
The Polish army had been forged through fierce fighting against Russian forces in their struggle for independence. If we supplied them adequately, they would hold the line against communist Germany as long as possible. In real history, Poland had clung to Nazi Germany like a pit bull despite being stabbed in the back by the Soviets. If Russia—which had taken the Soviet place—provided maximum material support, Poland would faithfully serve as a meat shield.
Then, when they were beaten bloody and a suspiciously Russian-speaking Polish unit cried for help, we could send in the Russian army under the pretext of assistance. We would occupy eastern Poland outright and strike Germany.
“In any case, it’s advantageous for Russia.”
“We have nothing to lose. We already took Belarus from the enemy. Poland is meaningless to swallow. If you refuse, we will simply supply weapons. However, the longer I remain here, the more Russian troops will mass at the border. Under the Special Military Operation, of course.”
I laced the words with a touch of threat. There would be no war—only the Special Military Operation that someone in the future had coined.
“Understood. We accept.”
Good. He should have done so from the beginning.
Thus we concluded the Anti-Comintern Pact with Poland. Poland would treat communist states as potential enemies and align with Russia. The pact included Germany and Italy. Rather than a mutual defense treaty, Poland had effectively declared itself Germany’s foe. They had drawn the battle lines themselves.
Of course, since Poland would become the battlefield, the key point was that we would provide proper weapons support. Józef Piłsudski’s dream had been the restoration of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. We had promised Russian support for that dream, but regrettably the Lithuania-related clauses were omitted from this Anti-Comintern Pact. From the beginning, this was not a treaty of reconciliation but one forged under my coercion and led by me.
Later there would be no need for talks with Britain about support or non-interference. The world would simply be told: ‘Poland hated the Czarina enough to throw a bomb at her, so reconciliation proved impossible. We signed only an Anti-Comintern Pact because they hate the reds.’
“I will neither obstruct nor intervene, but I cannot view it favorably.”
“Did you not say you would actively support it?”
It seemed they wanted to devour every scrap. How shameless.
“After openly attempting to assassinate a foreign monarch, aren’t you asking for rather too much? It’s not as if I’m forbidding you from eating.”
Eat as you please. Should the process even slightly infringe on Russian interests, however, a Special Military Operation may occur. Try it if you dare. If by chance a Moscow-born Lithuanian asked for help liberating Lithuania, something resembling a Special Military Operation might materialize. Had there been no assassination attempt, I might have overlooked such matters.
Tsk, tsk. They should have accepted earlier.