The Age of Madness
Chen Jiongming returned in high spirits. In his wake came a generous shipment of Russian military advisors and a vast quantity of surplus weapons.
Support for East Prussia? We were hardly their only patron. Britain appeared to be backing East Prussia in earnest, using it as a check against communist Germany. That left the leftovers to be handed over to Chen Jiongming without regret.
“Is it truly wise to support him? The man does not seem capable of seizing control of China.”
The Black Baron, who had discreetly transferred the military advisors and supplies at my command, clearly found the decision distasteful. At a glance, Chen Jiongming did not project the aura of a man who could swallow the world. His face simply wasn’t built that way. Yet that did not mean he lacked talent entirely.
The theory of federal provincial autonomy and the vision of a United States of China. Those two concepts alone made Chen Jiongming a card worth playing.
“That is precisely why we must support him. He may lack the capacity to dominate all of China, but he is more than qualified to manage a portion of it.”
Indeed. Chen Jiongming was not big enough to devour the entire feast. But becoming a warlord? That was well within his reach. He could carve out his slice of China and establish a functioning provincial government—the sort of fragmented, autonomous state that would exist before any true federation took shape. At the very least, he could hold Guangdong.
“So you are deliberately choosing to prop him up?”
“I see decades into the future, far beyond our present reality. Only a few decades ago, China was nothing more than a cake for the great powers to carve up. A modernized, unified China, however, would possess terrifying potential. We must cut off that momentum of growth.”
As someone who knew the future, I was determined to block it at all costs.
“You believe China could one day surpass us?”
To the Black Baron, the notion clearly did not sound appealing. Of course it didn’t. Until recently China had been the great powers’ favorite buffet. Suggesting that same buffet could defeat Russia must have sounded absurd. Hard to swallow, perhaps. But in truth the new Cold War had been waged between America and China. The Russians of this era would find such an outcome difficult to imagine.
Which was exactly why we had to weaken China as much as possible without direct intervention—divide her thoroughly.
“In any era, population cannot be ignored. Even if the great powers once held a commanding lead, one cannot dismiss the vast continental territory and its enormous population.”
“Still, I cannot see them ever defeating us.”
The very fact that China would dominate the new Cold War already meant Russia had been surpassed in that timeline. Not that the Chinese ever matured into a true great power with dignity. Even before the nuclear exchange they had done nothing but cause trouble and flaunt hegemony. Keeping them fractured and at each other’s throats was the optimal solution.
If Chen Jiongming’s dreamed-of United States of China ever materialized, not only Russia but also Korea—sharing a border with the new colossus—would be reduced to a satellite state. The result might prove even more backward than the half-peninsula South Korea of original history.
I personally hold great affection for China, the acknowledged leader of Eastern civilization. That is why I want there to be many of her. A great many. More nations than currently exist in the entire world.
In my estimation, countries such as Syria and several others would later fall under a resurrected Ottoman Empire. If Hitler attempted to revive Austria-Hungary to counter Germany, Hungary and Czechoslovakia would likely fold under Austrian leadership. The total number of countries would shrink compared to original history. Therefore, we would simply have to multiply them on the Chinese side. Wasn’t that only fair?
“Then you truly desire China’s division?”
“Yes. Obviously. Especially since our Russia shares a direct border with China. All the more reason for caution. Every aspect of this must be orchestrated by our United States—for the sake of our descendants in the distant future.”
After the Ukraine invasion tied to the nuclear war, Russia—once the Soviet Union—had been toyed with by China. The nuclear exchange itself had been little more than a Chinese production.
“I see. As expected, Your Majesty’s foresight is extraordinary.”
There was nothing extraordinary about it. I simply wanted to prevent a grim future. In that sense, reincarnating in Russia seemed preferable to Korea. The only drawback was that being Russia required constant attention to both Europe and Asia—an exhausting prospect.
Even if Britain or France had been given the role—or better yet, an overpowered America—if they simply performed at their historical level, the future would improve dramatically.
“The Foreign Ministry must also assess international relations with cold clarity. We need to strengthen ties with the existing Entente powers: the United States, Britain, and France.”
“Understood. At Britain’s request, we have increased our garrison in East Prussia.”
The Baltic states had unfortunately chosen independence. Even if I viewed them as British puppets, they insisted on calling it independence, so there was little to be done. As stated, I had not touched them. They were nations destined for independence later anyway. Russia now needed to focus on image rehabilitation. We could not reclaim by force territories that had already broken away, and we had to consider Britain’s prestige.
Unless the world began to think Russia looks weak—shall we take a bite? there was no reason to strike the Baltics.
“Regarding the Baltics… it is regrettable, but with Britain behind them, incorporation into the United States will be difficult.”
“Britain appears desperate for our assistance at the moment. Perhaps a quiet negotiation—”
That would not do. Of course the possibility existed. If Britain threw a tantrum and demanded the Baltics, we would eventually have to yield. But that was beside the point. Britain’s performance in the coming great war could suffer significantly.
“With Germany in its current state, there must already be considerable criticism inside Britain. In such an atmosphere, demanding the return of territories relinquished under the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk would be unseemly.”
If a second world war erupted, Britain’s position would be vital. The entire island would function as an unsinkable aircraft carrier, ideal for bombing the German homeland. Assuming it occurred—and assuming America behaved as in history, though I could not be certain in this world—Britain would serve as a strategic springboard for Russian forces landing in France or Germany. If nothing else, we had to prevent Britain from falling to either communism or fascism.
“A pity.”
“There is no need for pity. Russia possesses numerous possibilities simply by properly governing the territory we already hold. Instead, we should develop Russia to such greatness that those who refused to join the United States will one day regret it bitterly.”
It was simple logic. Make Russia enviable. The military would be satisfied with such words. After all, the loss of those lands had been offset by the recovery of North Manchuria, Mongolia, and Constantinople. The narrative that the land had been sold off had been pinned entirely on the Bolsheviks before they perished. Since they had committed the crime, it was only their just deserts.
At this time, Britain was also groaning inwardly. The fundamental truth that being lenient toward Germany had yielded nothing of substance. Of course, they had gained additional colonies, secured promises of reparations, and extracted further concessions through the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. Yet none of that changed the fact that Germany had still undergone revolution. The very reason for showing restraint toward the power that had struck the Entente’s most painful blow had been to prevent a communist uprising. In the end, it had erupted anyway. In that case, there had been no point in showing mercy.
People remembered the losses far more clearly than the gains. Parents whose sons had died on the battlefield felt only rage that their children’s deaths had been rendered meaningless rather than gratitude for the large territories Germany had surrendered.
“What exactly did we gain by going easy on Germany!”
“Exactly! In the end a communist Germany emerged!”
“What changed because of my son’s death in the last war?”
“Why did we ever get involved in a European war!”
“We received the Ottoman surrender, everyone!”
“Russia is the only one celebrating the recovery of Constantinople!”
The Ottoman surrender had hardly been a genuine capitulation. It had been more along the lines of “We’ll abandon the land, so just sign the document,” a form of mental victory. Even that had dragged on tediously until Russia’s intervention finally ended it. Nor was that all. Britain had thrown every possible resource to ensure the Kaiser could properly establish himself in East Prussia.
The real problem was the absence of reparations. Communist Germany had loudly demanded the abolition of the Versailles Treaty. Although the Germans had spat out all their colonies, neither Britain nor France possessed the stomach for another prolonged trench war—especially against those reds. It was a conflict neither side could win nor afford to lose. They had granted recognition to communist Germany, but that recognition merely signaled they would not intervene militarily. All they could do was apply the usual diplomatic pressure alongside other nations.
Still, preparation was necessary. British troops were stationed in Poland and East Prussia, while Bermondt’s White Russian forces—eyeing the Baltics—were placed in East Prussia. In short, money continued to hemorrhage. Half of Ukraine and the Baltic states had to be turned pro-British, and that too required funds. Asking America for help was risky; those were the same people who had stepped back the moment Germany surrendered. Requesting further assistance might prove dangerous.
Nevertheless, the British Empire was somehow weathering the storm. After all, it was not without achievements. Of course Russia was already circling like a vulture, ready to nibble away at those gains, yet the Empire endured. The situation, however, was quite different for other nations. Italy in particular seethed with discontent.
Having boldly stabbed Germany and Austria in the back to become a victorious power and claim some territory, Italy found its gains woefully insufficient compared to its sacrifices. Wasn’t that why they had withdrawn from the Ottoman theater?
“We will overthrow them too!”
“There is only one thing we want! To rule Italy!”
“All we received for siding with the Entente were Trentino-Alto Adige and the Istrian Peninsula!”
The burning resentment was understandable. The territories granted were pathetically small compared to what had been promised—more than enough to infuriate the Italian people.
“The Slavs have restored the Second Rome!”
“We too must recreate Rome!”
“Look at Germany! They accomplished a communist revolution! A communist state is the perfect vehicle to revive Rome!”
Just as in original history, the failure to obtain the promised territories set Italy ablaze with internal fury. Moreover, unlike the original timeline, the war’s end had been ambiguous. On top of that, Russia—once on the brink of collapse—had miraculously revived as the United States, recovered Constantinople, and proclaimed itself the protector of Orthodoxy and heir to the Eastern Roman Empire. Being in a worse position than a dying Russia left the cup of Italian resentment overflowing.
With the successful communist revolution in Germany, Italian socialists were not about to miss their chance. Benito Mussolini, who should have become the father of fascism in original history, had instead become the leader of the Italian Communist Party. The man who had been steering toward fascism was deeply impressed by the German revolution. The German Free Socialist Republic had been born by sweeping away the corrupt old German Empire. Mussolini realized that for an Italy that had not received its due share of the war and therefore remained un-great, revolution was necessary to restore the glory of Rome.
Interestingly, Mussolini had also been stimulated by Russia’s recovery of Constantinople. He concluded that Italy too must rebuild Rome. After all, what could be a truer successor to Rome than Italy, which actually possessed the city? As a former socialist, he had been moved by the way White Russia—victorious in the Red-White Civil War—treated its workers and implemented quasi-socialist policies. These complex emotions swirled together until he reached a single conclusion: revive the communism that the current Russia had once crushed, then wage a final battle against Russia for the true seat of Rome.
Only by destroying Russia can we rebuild Rome!
Cooperation with communist Germany was naturally essential for the revolution. Thus Benito Mussolini founded the Italian Communist Party with something resembling fascism disguised as communism—much like his original path. With support from the German Free Socialist Republic, Mussolini rapidly expanded his power and eventually launched what would later be called the March on Rome or the Red March, seizing control of Italy.
King Victor Emmanuel III was permitted to retain only a nominal royal title and was effectively placed under house arrest. Benito Mussolini rose to the position of secretary-general of a communist state, second in Europe only to Karl Liebknecht of the German Free Socialist Republic.
And naturally—
Austria, trapped in the middle, descended into chaos.