The German Free Socialist Republic

The revolution in Germany proved far more seismic than anyone had anticipated. Kaiser Wilhelm II, having fled to East Prussia, attempted to retake Berlin with the remnants of the imperial army. Yet the truth the military had so carefully suppressed now spilled forth, unleashed by the communists. The German Empire had lost every last colony, cast aside its Germanic pride, and become little more than Britain’s lapdog. Even the sordid detail of printing money under the pretense of paying reparations had been dragged into the light. Public sentiment toward the imperial family and the military collapsed overnight.

The revelations exploded precisely because the revolution had erupted before Germany could thrust its bamboo spears into France, deepening the hatred for the old regime. Late attempts to spin the upheaval as a clever prelude to war against France fell on deaf ears.

"Another war?!"

"These people are rotten to the core!"

Roza Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht’s revolution had diverged sharply from its original course. The German Empire had endured slightly longer than in the history Anastasia remembered, but the two leaders had watched the Soviet collapse with clear eyes. Unlike the frantic brutality of the Russian Revolution, they moved slowly, winning hearts from within and gradually absorbing the regular army. Rather than executing everyone who rejected communism, the German Communist Party laid out every blunder committed by the Kaiser, the Junkers, and the military high command, stressing that the Party had been left with no choice but to rise.

Support swelled in southern Germany. Citizens enraged by the truths the communists had broadcast began attacking Junkers. The German Communist Party merely nudged events along, ensuring the German people appeared to rise of their own accord. The Berlin uprising, crushed by the right-wing Freikorps in the original timeline, refused to be quelled this time.

"The revolution isn’t being suppressed?"

"Your Majesty, this way!"

Wilhelm II, suddenly reminded of his relative Nicholas II’s gruesome execution, displayed uncharacteristic speed in his retreat. The German Communist Party, having witnessed Lenin’s total failure, never intended to execute the imperial family. Their plan had been to secure public support and then politely offer the Kaiser exile, completing the revolution cleanly. Instead, Wilhelm vanished back to East Prussia with the swiftness of a sixteenth-century Eastern king who mastered both speed and perfect evasion, leaving his enemies speechless.

"The Kaiser has fled to East Prussia."

"Damn it. He means to fight to the bitter end!"

More people, disappointed, flocked to the Communist side. The Party formed the German People’s Army to seize East Prussia by force, only to be halted.

"Not another step!"

"Britain again?"

Britain, which had been watching the revolution with keen interest, moved Poland into action. By seizing Danzig, they blocked the People’s Army from reaching East Prussia. Britain then mediated a ceasefire on the condition that the revolutionary government be recognized, Danzig be transferred to Poland, and the Kingdom of East Prussia be acknowledged. France slyly added ‍‍‌‌⁠​​⁠‌​​‍​​‍​‌​⁠‍‌‍⁠⁠‌⁠‌‍‌‍‌‌‌‍⁠​‌​‌​‌‍‌‌‌⁠‍​​‌‍⁠‌‌⁠⁠its own demand: the Rhineland must become an independent neutral state, claiming Germany could not be trusted. The German Communist Party promptly blamed the Rhineland’s separation on the Kaiser and the Junkers, using it to further cement revolutionary authority.

Even in East Prussia, the fleeing imperial family found no safety.

"This is unacceptable. Open fire!"

German communists who had followed them—perhaps having learned from their Russian counterparts—detonated a bomb beneath the carriage carrying the royals. All of Wilhelm II’s children except Victoria Louise perished.

Yet even with Germany in its grasp, the Communist Party’s victory remained incomplete. Right-wing Freikorps units loyal to the Kaiser, or simply opposed to both the Kaiser and the communists, still operated across the country. They refused to recognize the new regime.

"Isn’t that Roza Luxemburg a damned Jewess as well?"

"Judeo-Bolshevism is science!"

Nationwide terror campaigns by the Freikorps against Jews and German communists claimed many victims. German Jews, seeking safety, began looking abroad. Neighboring countries wary of any Jewish-Bolshevik connection—Britain, France, and Austria—were closed to them. The vast majority therefore turned toward the Russian United States, which had recently promised generous benefits to Jewish citizens and skilled technicians in the wake of its own civil war.

Among the emigrants were Einstein and Fritz Haber.

Would Japan even believe my words? Even if they did, they’d be powerless to act. To them it probably sounded like complete nonsense. Of course they wouldn’t believe it. Who would take seriously a sudden warning that disaster would strike somewhere in their country? It had only been lip service.

Yes, that much was true. But Japan wasn’t the real problem.

I stood in the middle of my coronation. The crown of Rome rested upon my head as I proudly took my place as Emperor of the Eastern Roman Empire and Tsar of Russia, surrounded by the White Army, the imperial family, and the nobility. This was no ordinary Tsarist coronation. In Constantinople, a crimson banner bearing the golden double-headed eagle flew beside a golden banner with the Russian double-headed eagle; between those brilliant standards I ascended to the throne that had been vacant for a brief, violent interval after Nicholas II.

The Russian Orthodox Church, nearly severed by the Soviets, fulfilled its ancient role and presided over the rite. Unlike Nicholas II’s coronation, this one belonged to a war empress backed by the full strength of the White Army. It also reclaimed the legitimate succession of Eastern Rome.

The moment the ceremony ended I changed into an imperial military uniform. These flowing dresses were an absolute nuisance.

"Hmm. It appears Her Majesty prefers military attire."

"Dresses are rather uncomfortable."

I shook my head and sighed at the Black Baron, who seemed to enjoy teasing me. Even Princess Victoria Louise’s uniform had been altered with Russian army trousers for practicality. A dress that trailed everywhere held no appeal whatsoever. Coming to Constantinople had already been tiresome enough. The city—now also called Tsarigrad—had shed its Turkish character and was rapidly transforming into a Greek and Russian one.

Ambassadors from every nation offered surface-level congratulations. The British ambassador managed to irritate me by referencing the “Red Tsarina,” but I dismissed it as the usual bluster from pirate bastards who understood nothing of Russia’s realities. France secretly hoped I would crush the German Communist Party, yet I could hardly spare resources to help those frog-eaters while trying to govern the endless expanse of Russia. Greek officials gnashed their teeth. Although I had inherited the legitimate claim of the Eastern Roman Emperor, the city lay too far south to serve as capital. I intended to remain here only briefly before returning to Moscow. Given the sheer size of Russian territory, it felt as though I were conducting dozens of nationwide tours I had never managed in my previous life. Thank goodness for the railways; without them I would have been utterly lost.

"Now that Your Majesty the Tsarina has completed the coronation, there is something I must report."

Boris Savinkov, who now oversaw both the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the reorganized Ohrana, hesitated as though measuring his words.

"What is it?"

"It may not be pleasant news, but it appears the civil war in Germany has now swung decisively in favor of the revolutionary faction."

So the Kaiser’s side had been pushed back and the revolution had succeeded. What became of Nazi Germany now? What became of Corporal Adolf Hitler? What became of the future in which Adolf the Martyr put a bullet in him? I had gone so far as to award the man a medal through German officers. I had spent months preparing defenses in anticipation of a German invasion, envisioning a glorious campaign in ‍‍‌‌⁠​​⁠‌​​‍​​‍​‌​⁠‍‌‍⁠⁠‌⁠‌‍‌‍‌‌‌‍⁠​‌​‌​‌‍‌‌‌⁠‍​​‌‍⁠‌‌⁠⁠which we would blunt their attack and crush them in a single decisive battle. Reality, it seemed, had other plans.

Still, the current Russia could certainly be viewed as the enemy of revolution. Even if the German Communist Party had once maintained contact with Lenin, they were now pursuing sweeping reforms that carried only the faintest socialist tint. Should those reforms succeed, the Communist Party would lose its very reason to exist and the communist revolution itself would be thwarted. For the sake of ideological victory alone, communist Germany would prepare for war.

Because of those German bastards I had been forced to postpone the coronation and convene yet another emergency meeting. Couldn’t the Duma simply handle these matters? My dream was to become a master of signatures—approving documents from on high while otherwise enjoying life. Anton Denikin remained busy polishing Constantinople’s new image, which had at least brought us Fritz Haber, Einstein, and other luminaries. Einstein alone was a tremendous prize. Once reforms stabilized, I could quietly set him to nuclear research in Siberia. Since they had come precisely because we offered favorable treatment to Jews and technical experts, they would surely work with enthusiasm. Once we possessed nuclear weapons, even if conventional war dragged on, we could seize air superiority and simply drop bombs on Berlin or Paris.

"They say the German revolution occurred in the blink of an eye."

Well, of course it had. I was well aware that my own survival had sent the snowball of history careening downhill. Still, I had never expected Roza Luxemburg’s communist revolution to succeed. Then again, having seen both the continued survival of the German Empire and Lenin’s failure, they must have prepared meticulously. Even so. Not the Weimar Republic but the German Free Socialist Republic.

"The German Communist Party clearly spent years preparing after witnessing Lenin’s collapse. Moreover, unlike our own vast territory that allowed the White Army to rise and sustain a civil war, Germany is simply too small."

As expected, ‍‍‌‌⁠​​⁠‌​​‍​​‍​‌​⁠‍‌‍⁠⁠‌⁠‌‍‌‍‌‌‌‍⁠​‌​‌​‌‍‌‌‌⁠‍​​‌‍⁠‌‌⁠⁠the reds are formidable no matter their origin. Their nature is that of cockroaches.

"Could the Kaiser in East Prussia possibly reclaim the mainland?" I asked Pyotr Wrangel carefully.

If he could, the civil war would drag on. Would a battered Germany still possess the strength to ignite a Second World War? If solving the Great Depression proved impossible, war remained the classic answer. Even America had endured the New Deal only to resolve its crises through the Second World War. I knew little of Roza Luxemburg beyond hearsay, yet the fact that she had endured and then devoured Germany suggested she was formidable indeed. She was Jewish, they said. She would probably never become General Secretary; Karl something-or-other would likely take that role. Our Corporal Adolf would despise the arrangement.

Providing weapons to the Kaiser rather than mere support—given that we had once received aid from them—might appear too spiteful. The real question was whether the Kaiser possessed the capacity to sustain a prolonged conflict.

"At present it must be considered impossible," Pyotr Wrangel replied in his precise, professional tone. "The secret of Germany’s defeat has spread beyond control, and the German military has reportedly split down the middle. Many who suffered during the civil war are already fleeing to neighboring countries, and a considerable number have sought refuge here in Russia."

Hmm. Wilhelm truly had made an utter mess of things. France was unlikely to assist the very man who had once planned to attack them.

"The Junkers are dying in droves as well."

"Separately from that, the Kaiser has requested assistance from our nation."

How desperate must one be to beg support from a country whose own civil war had already ended? There was no possibility of granting it. We had refrained from supplying the revolutionaries, and we had even sent some of the German-made weapons previously used by Anton Denikin’s forces to the monarchist side. At least that maintained a veneer of propriety. If they were dissatisfied, they should have won their civil war.