Polish Partition (2)
Lublin, an ancient city boasting a history of about twelve hundred years.
This city, where the Lublin Union treaty uniting Poland and Lithuania had been signed, was now on the verge of another momentous decision.
— Deposition of King Augustus III of Poland
One might question whether parliament could dethrone a king, but astonishingly, in Poland, it was possible.
Pacta conventa.
Literally, if the king failed to uphold the binding agreements with the nobility, even he could theoretically be impeached.
Moreover, in the current crisis, scarcely any nobles opposed the measure.
A German king who, even after six years on the throne, had scarcely glanced at Polish soil.
Yet he had clumsily tried to annex Poland, sparking this very disaster.
With no formidable army or real power, there was no reason to tread carefully around him.
Józef Potocki's plea—to ensure the deposition passed unanimously, just in case—struck a chord with all.
Prussia and Russia had no cause to object to ousting the Saxon Elector and urged nobles in occupied lands to attend.
Thus, nearly a hundred noble deputies converged on Lublin. Their stances could be roughly divided as follows.
[Noble Alliance of the Black Soil Region, Centered on Potocki]
Having secured Franz Stefan's promise for an aristocratic oligarchic principality, their imaginations ran wild with delight. Holding Europe's richest Black Soil Region, they could live lavishly regardless of independence. A settled principality meant protection under Austria's mighty army—music to their ears.
[Vistula River Basin Defense League, Pro-Prussian Faction]
Yearning for King Friedrich's "order and efficiency," they embraced Prussian dominion. Incorporated into Prussia's advanced bureaucracy, they aimed to shed Poland's archaic inefficiencies for steady wealth growth.
[Pro-Russian Faction, Centered on Famiglia]
Boasting vast estates in Lithuania and Belarus, backed by the first-arriving two Russian legions—their most solid leverage. Under Russia's wing, they were certain to purge rivals and claim rule over Poland-Lithuania.
[Poland Freedom Protection League]
In short, the independence hardliners. Crying "All foreign powers are our enemies!" they called for desperate resistance against invaders and traitors. Their sole assets: patriotism and the rallying cry that "Poland shall not fall."
Though split into these four major blocs, no one knew precisely who aligned with whom.
Thus, Józef Potocki resolved to tackle the most agreeable issues first.
"I am Józef Potocki, temporary chairman of this Confederate Sejm. First, I offer my deepest respects to all who rushed here with love for the fatherland amid this chaos. My own heart mirrors yours. Though war ravages our lands, as the nobility who guide this realm, we shall fulfill our duty."
The deputies applauded Józef's pride-soaked words, and he recited the prepared indictment in deliberate tones.
"To safeguard our noble liberties and the people's welfare!
King Augustus III of Poland summoned foreign armies, violating Article 12 of the Henrician Articles and the spirit of the Great Pacta conventa.
The king and Dresden treasury inflated national debt to eleven million thalers, shackling our descendants in chains of debt.
He lingered in Warsaw a mere forty days, abandoning justice and military duties.
Finally, by relocating and hoarding the state seal in Dresden, he voided the populace's guarantee.
Thus, this military-confederate Sejm invokes the unanimity exception and resolves the king's deposition."
From indictment to vote and seal: a mere hour's lightning procedure.
The Confederate Sejm ratified Augustus III's deposition overwhelmingly—92 present, 4 against, 2 abstentions.
Of course, those "opposing" votes were Potocki's prepped plants.
Seizing the moment to lambast Poland's old order, they chilled the once-cordial hall.
"Why not dissolve? King's out—done, right?"
"No. Opening preamble allowed extra items per situation."
"...What?"
The dice were cast.
Józef's plan was straightforward: forty-eight of ninety-two were his recruited magnates and their sway—momentum would crush.
Opposition or not, majority ruled legally.
"Augustus III is no longer King of Poland-Lithuania. But I ask: does toppling one king fix this? Why has our once-mighty empire become great powers' toy? You know why."
Murmurs rose as gravity dawned—too late.
"We hurl alliance-less disorder into the river! We raise new lands, new republics, new shields!"
1. Austria shall protect the six counties of Galicia-Volhynia as a principality.
2. Prussia shall manage commerce and customs in Great Poland and Pomerellia west of the Vistula.
3. Russia shall hold protectorate rights over Orthodox churches and defense duties in eastern Lithuania.
4. The three protectorates shall not invade each other's zones.
5. This treaty activates upon majority vote in the military-confederate Sejm.
Polished phrasing aside, it meant Austria, Prussia, and Russia trisecting Poland for joint rule.
Nobles from Prussian- and Russian-held lands, caught off-guard, held their tongues.
Rash protest might mean "accidents" en route home.
"Vote now. Passed items take immediate effect..."
"You bastards! Selling the country! And you call yourselves nobles... mmpf!"
"Guards! Escort disturbers politely!"
"Potocki, you scum! How dare y—"
"Exited count as against."
Hardliners were a futile handful; all "no" votes changed nothing.
Astonishingly, not Potocki's clique—these were unrelated nobles.
Poland's nobles prized estate and purse a hundredfold over the national banner: the realm's raw truth.
"Still, handing over the country feels..."
"Think! All our forces couldn't beat one of 'em. Sell at peak price."
"Plausible, but..."
"Fight alone if you want. No soldier, no silver from me."
Radical contingencies prepped, yet half went unused—the flow favored ease.
Poland-Lithuania's trisect partition: 65 aye, 21 nay, 6 abstain of 92.
Through legal rite, it chose self-determination.
Peaceful partition rule: passed.
"...No fight left, so withdraw?"
"Yes."
Friedrich gave a hollow chuckle, scanning the Sejm's accord.
"They truly declared to carve up their own realm?"
"Astoundingly so. Such sincerity—ignore it?"
"Russia's word?"
What word? Trembling at full war since our arrival—they'd applaud relief.
To save face, we granted them vast swaths outwardly.
My prime goal: the Black Soil granary. Others? Tossaways.
Prussia gained expanse, Baltic customs grip—march's bounty secured.
Yet permanent hold? Tricky: mismatched folk, faiths; swallowed by force—resentment brews.
Not nationalism—pure annexation bile.
Friedrich eyed the map's vast Poland-Lithuania, lipsmacking regret.
"Longer war, we could've pushed east. Pity."
"East to where?"
"Vilnius, natur—"
St. Petersburg, you nearly said?
Disaster, man.
"Russia's might: not blades, but boundless earth, economic defiance, unbreakable will. No beehive poke."
Friedrich showed early fever too.
Continent-conquerors' plague: "I could crush Russia."
Win battles easy, seize cities? Aye.
Sane realms negotiate humiliation.
Russia? Nay.
Economy wrecked? Bonds trash?
Bears' routine trial—even capital lost, no white flag.
Present Russia lacks that steel—might yield. But high risk, low gain? Nay.
"Russia'll buffer Lithuania, eye Black Sea. Build 'em to clash Britain—best."
"I grasp, Highness. Yet your will alone could've halved Lithuania. Yielded for black soil, aye... but regret lingers."
"Power shown takes more land, true. But no need."
Trisect decision eyed solely the Black Soil.
Secure it? Prussia/Russia divvy rest—fine.
Secret even from them: my final stitch.
Austria's perennial food woes end; Poland-Lithuania's top granary ours—self-sufficiency near total soon.
Bread-tax-factory-railroad pyramid's base: set.
Austria: Industrial Revolution primed.