Time-Limited Peace (1)
The war may have ended, but that does not mean the war itself concludes at that precise moment.
Like a series of aftershocks, while we were still mopping up the battlefield, we kept cycling through the same grim sequence—offering surrender, forcing flight, pursuing the fleeing, and offering surrender again—slowly bringing the Liaodong region under control. Leaving the Republican army behind us, I summoned the state councilors and senior ministers to attend the meeting.
“Now, the final phase of this war is no longer the proud soldiers of our Republic, but the politicians among us.”
With the commanders busy with post-battle cleanup, the personnel who had been waiting in Lushun since early on for the administrative and developmental plans of Liaodong and Manchuria, as well as the resettlement projects, all nodded in understanding.
I scanned them once more, then raised three fingers and began explaining one by one.
“From the end-of-war negotiations, we must secure three major gains. First, the Qing government must officially recognize that Manchuria and Liaodong are our Republic’s inherent territory.”
That was only natural.
If the government’s illegal seizure of territory through war were later exposed in writing, the fate of Liaodong and Manchuria—prime battlegrounds for future rivalry—would become extremely unstable.
At this opportunity, it was enough to have Gando and the entire regions of Liaodong and Manchuria officially declared our own territory, even if we simply noted that they had once been lands where the Jurchens had coexisted.
“Second, the Qing Empire must acknowledge its own tyranny and the fact that it directly or indirectly provided the cause of the revolution, and carry out genuine apologies and compensations accordingly. We also demand that this has no relation whatsoever to the war reparations to be negotiated immediately afterward.”
The Qing themselves should bear a certain level of responsibility for their tyranny and the origins of the revolution.
This was also important.
Only then could our Republic’s government legitimacy be recognized and the fundamental cause of the revolution—unjust foreign intervention—be proven legitimate.
Conversely, one could interpret King Gojong as both a tyrant and a potential traitor who collaborated with foreigners. The rebels who followed him would then be branded as pro-Qing traitors, thereby lending legitimacy to our Republic’s revolution.
In short, this was a matter of strong government propaganda.
“Third. Extending the war reparations and genuine apologies mentioned above, a delegation including the Qing emperor or high-ranking members of the imperial family must personally visit Hanseong to mourn the victims who perished during the tyranny and revolutionary process.”
This was no different. Even in this war, which had already claimed far more lives than expected, there would undoubtedly be those harboring resentment. Yet we could not simply turn a blind eye to those who had remained silent under the banner of the great cause, including the Northern Expedition, merely because we had won.
A symbolic event was needed to strongly publicize why this war mattered to our Republic and our people, so that every citizen would remember it indelibly.
“However, this is a politically very sensitive issue, and we may announce it by separating the positions of the Qing imperial family and the Qing government.”
Of course, realizing this would require a certain degree of compromise and consideration. For example, we might sow discord between the Qing imperial family and the Qing government.
I presented rough guidelines on the major topics, raised one hand, and concluded the meeting.
“That is all. If anyone has questions, I will answer them right here. Very well, Minister of Foreign Affairs.”
Park Jeong-yang, who had been the first to raise his hand upon my permission, bowed politely and stood up to begin his questions. However, as he rose to answer, he gave a glance toward Park Yung-hyo beside him, suggesting that the two of them—Foreign Minister and Interior Minister—had likely been assigned the lead roles today.
He said,
“If we are talking about agreement conditions, are they the same as before?”
“No. If the Foreign Minister is referring to the previous ‘Ten Articles,’ it would be best to erase that from your mind. Those are things that the Qing side could never accept under any circumstances.”
Even territorial cessions, not to mention the massive economic rights grab over southern China’s canals, mines, and ports comparable to colonies, was a level of pressure that the Qing could never accept with a clear head.
Furthermore, the other great powers, especially the British Empire, would never stand idly by if France enjoyed enormous economic privileges in southern China and the south independently. They might not merely revive old grudges but openly threaten with war. If that happened, the Qing would have an even slimmer chance of surviving.
I maintained a stern expression, distinguishing the negotiations with France and the United States from our own government’s stance. Park Yung-hyo then voiced his concern.
“But our ally, France, and the United States might not agree to such generous terms.”
“To supplement my explanation, the three things that ‘we’ must obtain in the end-of-war negotiations were mentioned. The rest are separate matters. The French Republic will secure its own investments in its own way, and the United States will do the same. For example, the United States contributed military supplies, relief goods, mercenaries, and medical personnel who fought as individuals, so they will naturally receive the smallest share and voice. And…”
As I began to explain the details gradually, the ministers fell silent and began to listen attentively. This was an old phenomenon, of course. The ministers, who were unfamiliar with the customs and realities of each government and nation, naturally reacted this way.
“Fortunately, there is no custom in Joseon of deifying gods…”
Of course, there were those who expressed admiration for my “future-oriented” insight, but since my predictions had been consistently accurate, they had simply accepted them at this point.
Simply put, they were our straightforward “son” at home.
“Our Republic’s people have paid a precious sacrifice greater than any we can compare to the French government, which invested the largest share and time in this war. Right here, with the blood of our people. You may not know, but the great battle we fought in Liaodong was worth that much. Western nations will likely view the newly emerged Republic of Korea as a comet that appeared alongside the traditional great power of the Qing, having defeated it in battle. In their eyes, we are a rising regional power poised to lead the Far East.”
This was largely my expectation, but I was certain of it. In this era, most European nations showed considerable respect for military achievements forged in blood and iron. Conversely, in an age that was harsh and barbaric, those lacking the fierce struggle consciousness native to their own people and history were naturally destined to be eliminated.
Classic examples were Prussia’s unification of Germany and the Franco-Prussian War in Europe, and the Arab independence wars and the Ottoman Empire’s decline in the Balkans outside of it.
No one in Europe ever officially ignored the nations of the Balkan Peninsula that had gained independence from the Ottomans. Of course, it was natural to belittle them by mentioning their small state size or their past as vassal states under the long-reigning Ottoman Empire, but still.
“Yet they never openly called Greece, Bulgaria, or Serbia protectorates or colonies.”
As an example of this, the point we must focus on is that our Republic triumphed in a war of nearly 300,000 mobilized on both sides. We had bravely defeated a great power and established ourselves as an independent nation capable of shouting “Get lost!” against unjust oppression, and we needed to engrave this into the world.
“And this is also a fact.”
We must stubbornly remember this fact. It would be the strongest evidence proving the existence and tradition of our revolutionary government.
If, through unforeseen results or unexpected adversity, our Republic were to collapse, the Korean people who had already experienced “republic and revolution” would likely return to the past.
I continued explaining in this vein.
“If I could include myself in the negotiation team, I would personally preside over negotiations with the Qing representative, but that would be practically difficult. Therefore, I urge all of you, the ministers. This war is not simply a matter of reordering the new Chinese order, ending the Northern Expedition, and resolving the Wangdao issue. At this moment when the world is gradually being drawn together and unified by the Western powers, our great victory in Liaodong is not merely a reestablishment of relations between Joseon and the Great Qing.”
I repeated my urgings, explaining that we were not simply driving out the Qing and claiming Liaodong, nor merely avenging the past through the Northern Expedition.
Although they knew the rough international situation, they needed to be repeatedly reminded of how this great victory had imprinted our Republic on the world and how it would affect the respect shown to us by the Europeans’ customs, thought processes, and sense of honor.
Simply saying “we won” would not suffice, because we had created too many changes and variables in the formerly antagonistic Far East world.
“Then, what should our delegation worry about and guard against?”
“That was a proper question.”
Park Yung-hyo, who had been quietly listening, opened his eyes and asked. I answered while fanning myself in the now-warm meeting room.
“We must firmly engrave in this negotiation that our Republic is not simply a proxy of France and the United States, but an independent nation that must be respected in Asia as well.”
It would be difficult, but we had to make that concession. We could not show ourselves being dragged along by France while only throwing money at the United States.
“Liaodong and Manchuria are our homeland that we have reclaimed with blood and sweat. These two things. War reparations and the Qing’s apology are also necessary, but these are secondary matters. Well, they are directly related to the nation’s status, but if the imperial family personally visits Hanseong, they might demand the ‘Triple Bow and Triple Kneel’ ritual. However, they have anticipated that and will be even more reluctant to accept our demands. Since the arrogant Qing imperial family is unlikely to take this seriously or accept it.”
Of course, it was better to accept these terrifying demands than to continue the war. Rather than abdication, which imperial family member would go mad and visit Hanseong to kneel and confess their sins?
“But if we strongly demand this, they will likely try to make up for it with more elsewhere, so we should weigh the war reparations and the official apology of the Qing imperial family. We can trust that our delegation will judge which side is more advantageous to the Republic and our people without fail.”
So we had to approach realistically. For example, instead of announcing an apology, we could simply double the war reparations.
Park Jeong-yang and Finance Minister Eo Yun-jung took turns responding.
“Then, in the realistic part, we will compose the negotiation conditions in advance, but we will frontload the burdensome aspects of the previous Ten Articles and gradually apply pressure.”
“I support that as well. An official apology and compensation from the Qing imperial family is unrealistic in reality. Expanding the war reparations is a better strategy.”
The ministers present, including Agriculture Minister Choe Ik-hyeon and Yu In-seok, who agreed that the Northern Expedition was the Northern Expedition and that it was inappropriate for the Manchu tribes to humbly kneel and beg for past forgiveness, opened their mouths.
“Then, to what extent should we cooperate with our allies’ demands? It would be beneficial for the negotiations if you could pre-agree on the parts you have already discussed with His Excellency and the parts that the other side would consider reasonable.”
“Hmm, France will likely demand suzerainty over the Indochina Peninsula, cession of Taiwan Island, or an independent status in the South China Sea comparable to that of the British Empire, won’t they?”
Upon hearing this, I shook my head slightly and interjected.
“Taiwan and the Vietnamese kingdom have already come under our flag, so they will practically be removed from the negotiations. The French government will likely have added new demands to boost their popularity and the likelihood of their party coming to power. For example, relaxed investment conditions over a wide area in Yunnan and Guangdong, the establishment of additional concession territories, tariff reductions, and most-favored-nation agreements, and so on.”
Since we had already won, there were many things we could demand. The problem was that the neighbor who would use the European tradition of “knocking down the rising ones by tripping them up” was right next to us, flashing eyes of surveillance, making realization significantly less likely.
I tapped the Hong Kong that had turned red on the map and said,
“But Britain, as an observer who will soon become an arbitrator, will likely refuse. Moreover, the French expeditionary force that has deeply penetrated Yunnan, Guangdong, and Sichuan has yet to achieve any results. Their threats are nothing more than bluffs; the fundamental reason they are currently pressuring the Qing government is the very existence of the Far East Squadron simultaneously pressuring the Yangtze River and South China trade.”
Some looked doubtful, wondering if I would bring up such reasons, but I nodded with a firm expression and gave them confidence.
Whether they knew or not, the human nature of the British in the 21st century would be no different from that of the 19th century. Ah, going back to the Hundred Years’ War era, they might have been like that from the beginning.
“Neighbors are not just the level where buying land hurts, but the level where they invade your home and make you suffer diarrhea…”
Looking at it this way, if the European heavyweight today was France, then the European sidekick was Britain. They had many commonalities: quietly observing neighboring countries, and when they were doing well, they would meddle unnecessarily.
Anyway, do islands make everyone weird?
I suddenly had such pointless thoughts.